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By Kyle Navis, MCC Bolivia
As we discussed in this space last week, 2013 has been declared International Year of the Quinoa by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization as well as the government of Bolivia, in an effort to both develop markets for and spread the benefits of this highly nutritious crop. Along with this promotion, news outlets have published a variety of pieces covering the coinciding price rise for quinoa and suggesting that it has harmful effects on the producing countries as fewer people can afford its health benefits.
While there is certainly truth to this concern, is it so simple as that? Is it fair to say something like the following headline in The Globe and Mail?
“The more you love quinoa, the more you hurt Peruvians and Bolivians.”[1]
To answer this question, it’s important to know a bit about the role of quinoa in the diets of the producing regions, as well as the how those cultures understand quinoa itself. And even before we get there, it’s important to do some self-reflection about quinoa as most Global Northerners think about it. Northerners tend to think of quinoa as a starch or meat substitute in meals, something that you scoop onto your plate by the mound to fill up the stomach. On the other hand, here in Bolivia quinoa is primarily served in soup or stew addition and as a grain for bread (but not the main ingredient for either), blended into juice, toasted and puffed for breakfast, and sometimes in salad–but even in salad, it’s not used like starches in, say, pasta salad. It’s more of a garnish.
That said, quinoa is not a primary starch for most Bolivians—indeed, because of its altiplano (high plain) origins, it is almost entirely absent from the lowland diet in Bolivia. Historically potatoes and maize have been the major starches in a meal, and rice is enjoying increasing popularity. In fact, “popularity” is a very important word to this discussion because it recognizes that culture and traditional knowledge and values exert influence over this whole question.
Quinoa has a colloquial reputation in Bolivia as a kind of “poor person food,” and much of the government’s promotion of quinoa is aimed at breaking down these stereotypes and helping people recognize its nutritional benefits above all. Nonetheless, as incomes rise and purchasing power increases, more and more Bolivians turn to foods that are perceived as having a higher status and indeed, higher nutritional value. Why? Because perceptions are strong and difficult to change.
This is in no way a uniquely Bolivian dynamic. For example, when I lived in Philadelphia and needed a black coffee on the run and was faced with a choice between Dunkin Donuts and Starbucks, I would almost always opt for Starbucks. Why? Because I could afford it and it projected an “image” I preferred, regardless of whether or not the quality of the coffee was objectively better or worse.
So, as Global Northerners learn more about quinoa and the nutrition benefits it offers, demand will rise and with it prices. But is it so simple as to say that with each bag of quinoa a Global Northerner buys, they oppress a Bolivian or Peruvian who can’t afford it? No, it’s not so simple as that.
In the next post on this subject I’ll interview MCC Bolivia’s Integral Agricultural Development coordinator and discuss some of the trade issues that affect quinoa.